{"id":621,"date":"2012-06-13T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2012-06-13T00:00:00","guid":{"rendered":""},"modified":"-0001-11-30T00:00:00","modified_gmt":"-0001-11-30T00:00:00","slug":"","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/?p=621","title":{"rendered":"Dilemma of the \u201cArab Spring\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><a href=\"File\/Reports\/CIHRS_annual_report_on_human_rights_in_the_Arab_world.pdf\" target=\"_blank\"><strong>Inadequate reforms, erosion of the civil state, denial of  justice<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"File\/Reports\/CIHRS_annual_report_on_human_rights_in_the_Arab_world.pdf\" target=\"_blank\"><strong>Please Click here to Read Full Report in English<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"File\/Reports\/CIHRS_annual_report_on_human_rights_in_the_Arab_world.pdf\" target=\"_blank\"><u>Press release on the CIHRS\u2019 annual report on human rights  in the Arab world<\/u><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Nearly a year after the eruption of what the media dubbed  the &ldquo;Arab Spring,&rdquo; it is clear that the achievements of the Arab uprisings have  not equaled the sacrifices made by the peoples who rebelled in search of  freedom, social justice, and human dignity. With the exception of Tunisia, the  choices facing these peoples seem limited to narrow reform of old regimes or  the hegemony of Islamist factions over the institutions of governance and the  erosion of the foundations of the civil state.<br \/>\nThis is the conclusion drawn by the Cairo Institute for  Human Rights Studies (CIHRS) in its fourth annual report, which observes and  analyzes the state of human rights in 2011 in twelve countries of the Arab  world: Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, Bahrain,  Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and the occupied Palestinian territories.<\/p>\n<p>The revolutionary uprisings which broke out in numerous Arab  countries dealt painful blows to seemingly immovable regimes, family-based  rule, and schemes for hereditary succession and succeeded in removing symbols  of tyranny in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen.&nbsp; Moreover, it is proving  difficult for the violent regime in Syria to find a political solution that  will grant it the legitimacy to remain in power in the midst of the ongoing  bloodbath that has completely alienated it from the Syrian people.<\/p>\n<p>The report notes that attempts to sabotage the Arab Spring  were often accompanied by large-scale, brutal repression, in many cases  amounting to war crimes and crimes against humanity, especially in Libya,  Syria, Egypt, Yemen, and Bahrain.<\/p>\n<p>In post-Mubarak Egypt, the Supreme Council of the Armed  Forces (SCAF) monopolized the administration of the transitional phase and  sought to confine the goals of the revolution to the elimination of certain  ruling figures and their designs for hereditary succession, adopting a  political course for transition that deepened the divisions among political  forces. As a result, Egyptians remained caught between the bitter choices of  either the perpetuation of the old regime or the acceptance of religious  fascism controlling positions of power and usurping the right of Egyptians of  all classes and orientations to write their new constitution. The report  attributes the massive failures to respect human rights during the transitional  period in Egypt to increased repression and the development of new methods to  confront opponents of the SCAF, as well as to the return of the brutal  suppression of peaceful protests, increased pressure on the independent media,  and an unprecedented escalation in the assault on human rights organizations  and civil society.<\/p>\n<p>In Bahrain, the popular uprising was contained and  suppressed amid the collusion of the international community and diplomatic and  military support from the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council. Meanwhile  in Yemen, the Gulf Initiative, supported by the US administration and the EU,  undermined the aspirations of the popular revolution to entirely do away with  the regime of Ali Abdullah Saleh and hold him accountable for his crimes. The  initiative immunized the killers of the Yemeni people and Saleh&rsquo;s senior aides  and children from accountability and imposed his vice-president as the  temporary president through elections held only as a formality, as no other  candidates were permitted to compete.<\/p>\n<p>The report draws attention to the continued denial of  justice and ongoing impunity from accountability and punishment for human  rights violations, even in those countries where authoritarian ruling figures  were removed from power. &nbsp;Achieving justice for those killed in Egypt  faced major difficulties, including extreme reluctance to refer the accused to  trial, the failure to take necessary measures to prevent the manipulation or  covering up of evidence, the refusal of the security apparatus to cooperate  with investigating authorities, and the limited nature of measures taken to  purge and institutionally reform the security and judicial establishments. As a  result, the overwhelming majority of cases involving the killing of  demonstrators saw the acquittal of the accused officers and their subordinates.  Although the trial of the deposed president and his interior minister recently  ended in their conviction and the imposition of sentences of life imprisonment,  the court acknowledged the severe inadequacy of evidence against them and the  failure to identify those who carried out the killings, which it cited in  acquitting the senior aides of the former interior minister. Similarly, Tunisia  saw no marked progress to ensure accountability for the crimes of the Ben Ali  regime, despite official promises to pursue a course of transitional justice as  is required by any process of democratic transition. The report notes that  Tunisia has been perhaps the most fortunate country, as it appears to have been  able to enter into a process of genuine transition to democracy. &nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>This was aided by the fact that the military establishment  in Tunisia had no political designs, which thus allowed an alliance of  revolutionary forces made up of labor, rights, and political movements to fill  the power vacuum and exclude figures of the Ben Ali regime and the members of  his party from the administration of the transitional period. &nbsp;The  moderate discourse of the Islamist Ennahda movement also fostered opportunities  to build a national consensus, which is critical for successful transition. The  transitional period in Tunisia saw the issuance of legislation seeking to end  restrictions on press and media freedoms, liberate the work of civil society  associations, support the freedom to form political parties, and put an end to  crimes of torture and stiffen penalties for such crimes.<\/p>\n<p>The report documented a substantial increase in the  violations against human rights defenders and their organizations, particularly  in Egypt, Syria, and Bahrain. In addition, the Moroccan authorities continued  to target rights organizations in the Western Sahara with arbitrary arrest and  unfair trials, and they also imposed restrictions on the entry of  representatives of foreign advocacy organizations to the Western Sahara who  came with the goal of stopping violations in that region.<\/p>\n<p>The report finds that freedom of expression saw no  improvement in the countries most affected by the Arab Spring, with the  exception of Tunisia, and notes that a number of countries witnessed a  deterioration with regards to respect for these liberties, particularly in  Sudan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, and the Palestinian territories.<\/p>\n<p>The report observes that the Arab Spring was not accompanied  by any marked improvement in the status of minorities and religious freedoms in  the Arab world. On the contrary, Shiites in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia bore the  brunt of the repression due to their broader involvement in popular protests in  those countries. The systematic discrimination and repression of the Kurdish  minority in Syria also continued, while in Egypt the authorities neglected to  lift the arbitrary restrictions on the construction of non-Islamic houses of  worship. They also failed to protect Coptic citizens and their churches, as  Egypt saw the torching or demolition of entire churches last year by religious  extremists and witnessed a marked increase in sectarian tensions and clashes,  which left dozens of victims.<\/p>\n<p>In Iraq, violence continued to claim thousands of lives,  underscoring the chronic failure of the authorities to stop the regression of  the security situation and indicating that political actors of all sects remain  unwilling to abide by the rules of the peaceful political process. In  particular, members of the Christian and Yazidi minorities remained the targets  of armed attacks designed to forcibly displace them from their homes and drive  them out of regions where their populations are concentrated.<\/p>\n<p>The report also describes the ongoing grave abuses committed  in Sudan due to the expansion of armed conflicts and their encroachment into  new areas. Continued armed assaults on the Darfur province led to the  displacement of more than 350,000 residents, while the failure of negotiations  between Khartoum and the government of South Sudan over disputed border areas  led to armed attacks and clashes in the Abyei region and turned the South  Kordofan and the South Blue Nile provinces into new battle zones. The report  documents the Khartoum government&rsquo;s responsibility for a number of war crimes  and crimes against humanity, particularly in South Kordofan, including  extrajudicial killing, the random shelling of residential areas and refugee  camps, the torching, destruction, and looting of churches, and cases of rape.<\/p>\n<p>The winds of the Arab Spring affected the occupied  Palestinian territories as well, resulting in pressure to end the division  between the two parties to the Palestinian Authority. Thus far, however, the  reconciliation agreement has produced no fundamental change with regards to  respect for human rights and public liberties that would end the reciprocal  violations practiced by both sides against those deemed loyal to the other. Nor  did the agreement mark the emergence of the political will needed to end the  dual power structure and to integrate and reform the security and judicial  establishments.<\/p>\n<p>Similarly, the report documents the persistence of grave  violations of the rights of Palestinians by the Israeli occupation authorities,  including the military shelling of the Gaza Strip, the assassination and murder  of those Israeli considers to be involved in military actions against it,  ongoing apartheid policies, and the siege and collective punishment of the  residents of Gaza for the fifth successive year.<\/p>\n<p>The year 2011 saw the unleashing of popular struggles in  numerous Arab countries for the sake of dignity, freedom, equality, social  justice, and democratic governance &#8211; a remarkable development in a region where  this struggle had for so long fallen to individual activists, limited circles  of rights organizations, and isolated political parties or groups.  Nevertheless, a long road lies ahead before the struggle for democracy achieves  its noble goals.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p><a href=\"File\/Reports\/CIHRS_annual_report_on_human_rights_in_the_Arab_world.pdf\" target=\"_blank\"><strong>Inadequate reforms, erosion of the civil state, denial of  justice<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"File\/Reports\/CIHRS_annual_report_on_human_rights_in_the_Arab_world.pdf\" target=\"_blank\"><strong>Please Click here to Read Full Report in English<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"File\/Reports\/CIHRS_annual_report_on_human_rights_in_the_Arab_world.pdf\" target=\"_blank\"><u>Press release on the CIHRS\u2019 annual report on human rights  in the Arab world<\/u><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":31,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-621","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/621","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/31"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=621"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/621\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=621"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=621"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=621"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}