{"id":1103,"date":"2013-01-10T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2013-01-10T00:00:00","guid":{"rendered":""},"modified":"-0001-11-30T00:00:00","modified_gmt":"-0001-11-30T00:00:00","slug":"","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/?p=1103","title":{"rendered":"Responsibility to Object"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>It&#8217;s time for the U.N. Security Council to do something  about war crimes in Syria. &nbsp; <\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>BY DAVID KAYE | JANUARY 10, 2013 <\/strong><\/p>\n<p>  In Syria, the new year begins without change. President  Bashar al-Assad continues to attack Syrian citizens on a vast scale, targeting  civilians and rebels indiscriminately, and making use of summary executions and  torture. Meanwhile, anti-government factions commit human rights violations of  their own, according to the United Nations and various human rights  organizations. The U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights recently <a href=\"http:\/\/edition.cnn.com\/2013\/01\/02\/world\/meast\/syria-civil-war\/index.html\" target=\"_blank\">estimated<\/a> the number of dead at more than 60,000; Lakhdar  Brahimi, the U.N. and Arab League peace envoy, <a href=\"http:\/\/www.guardian.co.uk\/world\/2012\/dec\/30\/syrian-crisis-could-kill-100000\" target=\"_blank\">warns<\/a> that the civil war could claim another 100,000 lives  in 2013. \n  <\/p>\n<p>But if the situation in Syria looks increasingly grave, one  thing could and should change. The U.N. Security Council &#8212; so far unable to  agree on measures to try to end the war &#8212; should find a way to deter war  crimes and crimes against humanity by all parties to the conflict. Its current  silence encourages all Syrians, especially the perpetrators of such crimes<strong>,<\/strong> to believe that nobody will be held accountable for these abuses. The Security  Council should therefore adopt a three-pronged strategy to insert some measure  of accountability and restraint into the war, even while a political settlement  remains out of reach. \n  <\/p>\n<p>First, the Security Council should impose financial, travel,  and diplomatic sanctions on individuals on both sides of the conflict who  commit serious violations of human rights or international humanitarian law.  The Security Council has established sanctions committees in conflict zones  like the <a href=\"http:\/\/www.un.org\/ga\/search\/view_doc.asp?symbol=S\/RES\/1807%282008%29\" target=\"_blank\">Democratic Republic of the Congo<\/a> and <a href=\"http:\/\/www.un.org\/ga\/search\/view_doc.asp?symbol=S\/RES\/1591%282005%29\" target=\"_blank\">Sudan<\/a> to restrain those responsible for the worst abuses.  In Sudan, the so-called <a href=\"http:\/\/www.un.org\/sc\/committees\/1591\/pdf\/Sudan_guide_E.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">1591 Sanctions Committee<\/a> is authorized to make sanctions  determinations on the basis of information from a range of sources, including a  specialized panel of experts, governments, U.N. bodies, and non-governmental  organizations. A similarly modeled Syria sanctions committee would also  complement the U.N.&#8217;s independent <a href=\"http:\/\/www.ohchr.org\/Documents\/Countries\/SY\/ColSyriaDecember2012.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">commission of inquiry on Syria<\/a> by providing a more  individualized and granular response to the violence. \n  <\/p>\n<p>Second, the Security Council should refer the situation in  Syria to the International Criminal Court (ICC) &#8212; as it did Sudan in 2005 and  Libya in 2011. An ICC referral has long seemed out of reach because of  opposition from critical Security Council members, but that may be changing.  Russian officials, for instance, increasingly <a href=\"http:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2012\/12\/22\/opinion\/to-save-syria-america-needs-russias-help.html?partner=rss&amp;emc=rss\" target=\"_blank\">see Assad as a butcher<\/a> and understand the risks to the  thousands of Russian nationals living in Syria. Moscow, itself not hostile to  the court in principle, should see that an ICC referral could restrain the  rebels as well as the government. \n  <\/p>\n<p>To facilitate success, the Security Council should take two  steps it failed to do in previous cases. Because a Syria investigation would  likely stretch ICC resources beyond capacity, the Security Council should take  a leading role in helping fund a serious, sustained process.<strong> <\/strong>Likewise,  the Security Council should promise up front that it will stand behind the  results of the ICC investigation, obligating all governments to provide the court  with the necessary logistical and political support. This should not involve a  commitment to use military force to make arrests, but political and logistical  support, as well as a sanctions process, would put a meaningful squeeze on  those alleged responsible for the worst crimes. \n  <\/p>\n<p>Third, the Security Council should support a framework to  encourage Syrians from all ethnic, national, and religious backgrounds to begin  discussions about long-term justice and rule of law in the country. The ICC is  a blunt and limited instrument, designed to hold senior political and military  leaders accountable for their actions. But many thousands more have been and  are involved in the violence; they too need to be reminded of their obligations  of humane behavior in war. \n  <\/p>\n<p>A Syrian national effort, with U.N. support and  encouragement, could begin to map out a plan for seeking justice in the  long-term. Such an effort should include discussion of criminal process at  local and national levels; truth and reconciliation programs; reparations for  those thousands who lost loved ones, homes, and livelihoods; and rebuilding of  the institutions of law and governance.&nbsp;Many Syrian activists are already  thinking ahead to the day when accountability is on the national agenda. They should  be supported by the international community, though the process must ultimately  be Syrian-led and inclusive of all sections of society. \n<\/p>\n<p>None of these efforts is a substitute for real efforts to  end the war. But they would amount to a powerful statement in favor of norms  against war crimes and crimes against humanity &#8212; warning both the regime and  the opposition that they will be held accountable for their actions. Such  measures would also offer a longer-term framework for restraining abuses in the  future. If even at the margins, a strategy against the most serious crimes  could temper abuses and possibly save lives. Failure to take action, moreover,  undermines the international community&#8217;s commitment to seeking justice for  massive crimes and upholding the responsibility to protect. \n<\/p>\n<p>There are some who will argue that introducing  accountability weakens the prospects for a political settlement by forcing  leaders to dig in their heels in commitment to violence. In some situations,  the reality on the ground may indeed counsel against moves toward  accountability at a given moment. But that moment has long passed in Syria,  where the regime has abandoned even the pretense of restraint and elements of  the armed opposition have already stumbled into the regime&#8217;s <a href=\"http:\/\/www.acus.org\/viewpoint\/syria-2013-will-poison-pill-sectarianism-work\" target=\"_blank\">sectarian trap<\/a>. <br \/>\n  Justice may seem unattainable for now as Syria spirals  further out of control. But Syrians and members of the international community  can still point the way to another possible future &#8212; one where those who  commit terrible crimes cannot escape some measure of justice. <\/p>\n<p>Source URL: <a href=\"http:\/\/www.foreignpolicy.com\/articles\/2013\/01\/10\/responsibility_to_object\">http:\/\/www.foreignpolicy.com\/articles\/2013\/01\/10\/responsibility_to_object<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p><strong>It&#8217;s time for the U.N. Security Council to do something  about war crimes in Syria. &nbsp; <\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>BY DAVID KAYE | JANUARY 10, 2013 <\/strong><\/p>\n<p>  In Syria, the new year begins without change. President  Bashar al-Assad continues to attack Syrian citizens on a vast scale, targeting  civilians and rebels indiscriminately, and making use of summary executions and  torture.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":77,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1103","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1103","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/77"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=1103"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1103\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=1103"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=1103"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dchrs.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=1103"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}